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Speech by Arsinée Khandjian at Bay Area ANC "Hai Tad Evening"
Saturday, March 6, 2004
When I was first invited for an opportunity to speak tonight, I wasn't sure what
it was that the organizers were hoping to hear me say. The response came back
to me very quickly in the form of a self-evident suggestion which was to address
the topic of "the role of the artist in Hay Tad (the Armenian cause)". When I
say self-evident, I mean, from the perspective of the organization’s mandate and
history which is to keep the subject of and the work towards the recognition of
the Armenian Genocide alive and continuous.
As we know, both politics and the arts have been driving forces for social
change throughout history. Cultures that have rejected the influences and
challenges presented by artists have remained poorer and weaker as a society and
a civilization.
When artistic activities have been embraced by societies, the artists
have often found themselves inscribed in the history of that culture. Not only
in its art history, but also in the larger collective history. Over time, the
process of the creative endeavor as well as its outcome have come to be
identified with the personal beliefs and views of the artist himself.
Undoubtedly, his personal experiences and morals influence his inspiration; but
if the resulting expression runs counter to the dominant, accepted ideology of a
particular society, - sadly, we’ve seen time after time, - the most common
reaction is to label the work as "propaganda".
Over the years, as Atom Egoyan and I discussed the question of the Armenian
Genocide, the history’s effects on us as survivors, and the burden on the
Diaspora to face the denial of this inconceivable pain, one question kept
coming back unfailingly. It was a question in two parts: "Why and how to
remember?"
As long as we were not directly exploring this very history through our work,
the challenge for us remained in understanding it on a personal level – in
understanding its effects on our identity. However, when we decided to address
these issues in a film work that would explore our Armenian identity and expose
the effects of the Genocide on it, not only did the two-part question resurface
– more than that – what became clear was that there was an inherent danger in
the simple fact of raising the topic. In the face of an unsettled historical
event, it was difficult to just follow the natural law of the creative process
which normally allows artists to speak from what they know and what they believe
in, what inspires their work and what substantiates their imagination. The
infamous question of "why to remember" started putting us in a defensive
position. Explaining and contextualizing our work were not unusual to us.
Artists’ views and observations are often challenged for their meaning, their
accuracy, and their pertinence in light of established conventional values. But
the position we found ourselves in this time was atypical because as our
responses ran the risk of being perceived as political stances. For some, the
initiative of the film was further evidence of our engagement in a political
act. They felt that not only had we decided to remember the Genocide, but we
were also suggesting "how to remember" it - which brings me to the heart
of the subject.
"Ararat" was designed to be first and foremost a work of art inspired by
humanistic and creative concerns previously present in the filmmaker's body of
work. Atom Egoyan says in his introduction to the screenplay: "The problem with
any film that deals with the "Armenian issue" is that there are so many issues
to deal with... From the moment I began to write this script, I was drawn to
the idea of what it means to tell a story of horror. In this case, the horror
isn't only about the historical events that took place in Turkey over
eighty-five years ago, but also the enduring horror of living with something so
cataclystic that has been systematically denied. Without getting into the
mechanics of that denial (there are a number of books and articles on that
issue), it is important to note that the role of the director in my
film-within-the-film is monumental. Edward Saroyan, and his screenwriter,
Rouben, are faced with an awesome task. They will be the first filmmakers to
present these images to a wide public. If their film seems raw and blunt in its
depictions, it's because they are the first people to cinematically present
these "unspeakable horrors." (later he adds) most of the conflicts that occur in
the contemporary story are related to the unresolved nature of not only the
Genocide, but also the difficulties and compromises faced by the representation
of this atrocity. How does an artist speak the unspeakable? What does it mean
to listen? What happens when it is denied? (and finally) thus the screenplay had
to tell the story of what happened, why it happened, why it’s denied, why it
continues to happen, and what happens when you continue to deny. Ararat is a
story about the transmission of trauma. It is cross-cultural and
inter-generational. The grammar of the screenplay uses every possible tense
available, from the past, present, and future, to the subjective and the
conditional."
These incessant questions, - either in preparation for the production, or as
voiced by the character of Saroyan in the film, and again raised by the
filmmaker after the completion of Ararat, - are a clear indication that at no
point was there a desire to prove that the history was true. Instead, the only
concern was to find a way to give voice to a true history, to retrieve it from
oblivion and make the viewers ask themselves why they have never heard of it.
These were the obligations felt by the filmmaker.
Nevertheless, in the last two and a half years, we were to be confronted by many
politically charged situations and accusations. There is no doubt that in the
case of Ararat, the artifact itself, the film as an object, has become in many
cases a political instrument. As you may well know, opinions are expressed
regularly from various Turkish sources that adamantly reject what the film
represents, despite the fact that only a few of the respective parties have
actually even seen it. And, perhaps, there are Armenians who may have not fully
appreciated the thematic treatment of the movie and yet they will
unconditionally support it because it is "about the Armenian Genocide". These
reactions and developments may be considered inevitable given the political
contrapositions on the subject. They do, however, suggest that as artists we,
nonetheless, have to be prepared to enter into political discourse and sometimes
directly so.
I will take a moment to describe one recent incident that not only caught Atom
and me by surprise but once again made us wonder to what extent the artist is to
be involved in the realm of political action even if that is not his objective
or choice.
It was end of December last year, just before the holidays, when we heard that
Erkan Mumcu, the Turkish minister of culture and tourism, had announced that
"Ararat" will finally be shown in Turkey. This came as a big surprise mixed
with excitement and suspicion. After all, we had already heard when the film
was screened publicly that festival organizers would invite it to the Istanbul
film fest. We had heard encouraging words from Turkish journalists and critics
that the film should be shown to Turkish audiences. We were even approached by
the head of a distribution company called Belge film, who would take it upon
himself to open the movie in Turkey.
But all these expressions of interest and curiosity had amounted to very
little. The individual initiatives were either not sincere enough or strong
enough to change a government policy shunning all discussion about anything
directly related to the subject of the Armenian Genocide. The more organized
campaigns were to refute the validity of the film both from a historical and
artistic perspective. Just before the opening of the film in the states, over
two thousand e-mails had inundated Disney's and Miramax's head offices, claiming
historical distortion and propaganda. One may imagine, therefore, our amazement
at this latest news where the minister was announcing, through one of the most
important press agencies in the world, associated press, that "Ararat" was to be
screened to Turkish audiences. This was to show that the country was a serious
proponent of democratic ideals and that the release of the film was an example
of Turkey's
tolerance and openness as a society. The message appeared to be that Turkish
citizens should be entitled to their own opinion after having a chance to see
the film. These statements were commendable but they indicated a drastic shift
in the government's position. Why now, we asked ourselves? After all, most of
the initial buzz, impact, concerns and accusations had already had their run and
the subject of the controversy around the film was slowly fading away.
Atom, in his magnanimously generous and optimistic outlook was happy about this
news. It was his hope that Turkish society would have a chance to see this work
along with previous ones, as part of his ongoing fascination with human
tragedy.
I, on the other hand, was much more skeptical. The news was too good to be
true. The vociferous articles that had been published over the past two years
in so many Turkish papers did not give me a sense that this announcement could
be anything other than rhetorical. I decided not to get my hopes too high and
naively be seduced by an intangible gesture. In a strange way, I was even
uneasy that "Ararat" would finally be released in Turkey. I felt a sense of
manipulation and opportunism guiding this highly volatile announcement. As if,
someone was walking into my garden, picking up my golden apple, and walking out
into the world to show the discovery. I was determined to follow the turn of
events as closely as possible until I heard that the film was actually running
in Turkish theatres.
Unfortunately, my instincts were well founded. It didn't take us long to find
out that not only was the decision of the government challenged by the
nationalist action party, but also that any individual choosing to attend
screenings would suffer the consequences of the decision to shame Turkey by
paying dearly with his or her life.
Of course, this time no international media was to report these latest
developments. We found out about it through individuals who read Turkish
newspapers and who took it upon themselves to inform us of the way the situation
was unfolding.
As one may guess, Turkey
needed to persuade the European Union through a grandiose gesture of her ongoing
efforts to establish democratic values as an enduring principle of social and
political course. "Ararat" with its international profile was a perfect "golden
apple" to show off at this occasion. This strategy would not, however, survive
the precarious democratic structures on which this recently elected government
was trying to hold itself up.
My feeling was that something had to be done before this development would go
unnoticed and the world would remain with an initial false impression. "Ararat"
was not to see "the light of projector" in Turkey, and this, everyone had the
right to know without ambiguity. This was, yet again, another example of
deception, not only for us the filmmakers, but also for every righteous citizen
in the international community. Often our politicians, for political expediency
and alliances, fail to keep us from knowing what is true and what is not. But
this sort of knowledge is not a privilege, it’s a public right.
I started to talk about it with friends, with community leaders, with
activists. To my surprise, I was to be given predictable generic responses such
as: "Oh well! It’s hardly surprising! But what can be done?" Or "there are so
many other issues to deal with when it comes to denial; this is more or less one
other small example of it". Or "Armenian organizations have more important
ongoing concerns and this situation is only another "velveloug", rumor, not
worth prioritizing it necessarily". When I called an American/Armenian
organization to exchange ideas about a possible way to address the situation, my
phone call was not to be returned. Amazed by this dismissal, I complained to
someone in private, at which point I heard something that amazed me even more:
"What! Just because you’re a movie star you think the person would have to take
your call? Don’t you realize how busy they are handling major Armenian issues?"
I didn’t need insult from my own people over injury from Turkish politicians.
I informed Atom that this case was not to be abandoned. We needed to publicize
the incident in a media-wide splash. After all, the Turkish government has had
the "presence d’esprit" to use the press in the first place. Why stop them in
their own device?
That's when the ANC chapter in Toronto was contacted. I will personally name
Aris Babikian because he was the one person, who listened carefully to what I
was proposing as an opportunity and as an approach to turn the situation around
in our interest. I am thankful and humbled by his generosity to commit the time
and effort to this cause. He did it single handedly by calling upon every
Toronto newspaper editor. Soon, the journalists were calling in to speak with
Atom and find out what sources in Turkey had to be contacted to substantiate the
story. They managed to get hold of the distributor who had rejected the offer
of the minister of culture to provide police force in protection for audiences
attending the public screenings. How could one take on, after all, the
responsibility of threatened lives? The Turkish ambassador in Ottawa was asked for an opinion. He responded that
this situation was not an example of a failing democracy in Turkey... Finally,
the same minister of culture gave in. Pressured by demands for answers from
Canadian journalists, he claimed that it was all a ploy by the Canadian
distributor of "Ararat" who had forced Turkey to purchase the film, in order, to
show later that Turkey was not an open, tolerant society.
Yes. All this was reported in the Canadian press, nationally.
But the major success of this media campaign was marked when the editor of the
globe and mail, one of our most influential national papers, gave a most
unprecedented editorial write up, firmly establishing an explicit editorial
policy by calling the events of 1915 a genocide, and venturing even further.
Under the title, blocking Ararat, read the following passages: "If only stories
were as powerful as Ulku Ocaklari, the youth wing of a Turkish nationalist
group, seems to think they are! Threats of violence from the group this month
caused a film distributor in Turkey to withdraw Atom Egoyan's movie Ararat,
about the 1915 genocide of an estimated 1.5 million Armenians, before its debut
on Turkey's movie screens. Ulku Ocaklari must be among the last believers in
the power of art to change the world. (He continues) the movie provides a test
of the country's political maturity at a time when Turkey is pressing to join
the European Union... Turkey is failing the test. (later, he asks) What do the
nationalists fear would happen if Turks sat down to watch Mr. Egoyan’s
complicated tale, much of which is about the effects of the Genocide on Canadian
Armenians today? The stirrings of empathy, the desire for reconciliation? A wish
to know more, to seek the truth about their country’s history?... Despite the
efforts of countless writers to bear witness – genocidal campaigns still
flourished in Cambodia, Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Even so, the artists
and others will continue to come forward, because they must. (and he concludes)
in the end, the Turkish people are the poorer for this violent threat against
their freedom to think."(1)
Soon, ANC Washington and Los Angeles
chapters were contacted and took it upon themselves to alert the American
press. What started up as being one more affront in the ocean of assaults and
deceptions regularly obstructing the recognition of the Armenian Genocide,
turned into a premise to serve the truth. This time, both the New York Times
and the Los Angeles times reported on the blocking of the film, not with such a
unequivocal sense of outrage as their Canadian counterpart, but then again, it
is consistent with the differences that mark the Canadian and American ways of
contemplating the world!
So, what is the role of the artist in Hay Tad?
Anatole Baja, a French theorist of the decadence movement, asks the following
question regarding the poet’s pursuit : "Isn’t their (the poets) aim to seek the
quintessence of things, to extract from them the most intense perfume, in order
to produce, in a few instants, a saraband of striking visions giving the
sensations of the manner of facts?"(2)
If this is the blessing, the power, the talent, and the vocation of the artist
and of the poet, then let me answer that question with another question. What
is the role of hay institutions, of hay politicians and lobbyists, of hay
culture and hay nation towards the artist? How do we ensure that we acknowledge
each other’s presence and we validate, as a worldwide community, the differences
among us? How do we bridge the gaps, the lack of communication, and the
ignorance that often plague the ever so crucial bond linking a society to the
voice of the artists?
I firmly believe that the role of the artist is to make art. But more
importantly, I consider it indispensable that societies appreciate closely
artistic processes and legitimize the endeavor of their artists; that they come
to understand there are several ways to accomplish goals towards a promising
future and that, in this respect, the artist is a major asset, influence, and
contributor.
Atom Egoyan and I never dreamt of writing a manifesto or a work of propaganda
with Ararat. All we wished for was to explore with rigor and critical honesty
the very essence of what we have to carry on as an identity in our lives. That
Armenians and hundreds of thousands of other citizens in the world heard what
"Ararat" had to tell is nothing other than a celebration of the power of art to
reach the heart and the mind of humanity.
If we played a role in Hay Tad, it was only because we first and foremost
believed in the need to tell our story as we know it. Thank you.
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(1) "Blocking Ararat", in The Globe and Mail, Monday, Jan. 26, 2004.
(2) Legitimizing The Artist, Manifesto Writing and European Modernism,
1885-1915, Luca Somigli, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, Buffalo, London,
2003, p. 85.
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